Baroque Part One

The Baroque Era is a period that existed in European workmanship in the last sixteenth, seventeenth Century, just as the main portion of the eighteenth Century. Florid alludes principally to the free-form of engineering that framed a limited and adjusted style of the previous Renaissance. It was later applied to similar inclinations in music, painting figure, and writing. The Baroque style comes from the emotional, huge, luxurious. It is brimming with themes and structures articulations of vitality and conflict.It began in Italy and Spain and spread all through Europe and is recognized in engineering, with Catholic Europe and wasâ the official style of the COUNTERREFORMATION. Of all the numerous subjects which emerged during the Baroque Period, the scene type is the most unequivocal denoting an adjustment in Western thinking.In Annibale Carracci (1560-1609) an understudy of Lodovico, Carracci was an adaptable painter with irregular aptitude. He went through seven years considering c rafted by the experts. He especially contemplated crafted by Carreggio and Parmigiano in Venice and Parma. He supported in the leading of the institute school until 1595, when he went to Rome to aid the Farnese display. The roof, wherein he made dozen drawings for, was rich in illusionistic elements.It included phony compositional and sculptural structures that propelled huge numbers of the later painters. Among his various notable works incorporate Flight into Egypt (Doria Gall. Rome) This model traditional scene, was later venerated with different forms by Domenichino, Poussin, and Claude.The Holy family stands apart in light of the fact that they are set in the painting, the little proportion of the figures according to the enormous normal setting initially builds up another priority in which scene takes is first and history is second. Order#11112799 Baroque Era Pg. 2 Carriacci enlivens a perfect nature in the canvas to whichits topic recounts the nature advanced and finished by man and crafted by man. But one accept with this basic topic a real Baroque one; Carriacci suggestion recognizes man is not, at this point the unassailable focal point of creation and that different powers of the world have all the more a case to his attention.The figure and the account of the composition are immaterial to the scene. Joseph, in the artwork has envisioned that lord Herod is scanning for the infant Jesus to murder him, and flees to Egypt with Mary and the youngster to remain there until after Herod’s demise. Nonetheless, the scene is not really Egypt rather, Carriacci has changedthe story to a high-socialized Italian setting. This is the serene, straightforward life. A center ground that is among human advancement and wild where individuals live liberated from both the wantonness and wrongdoing of city life and the wild powers of nature.Annibale Carracci’s Landscape with trip into Egypt is Considered his magnum opus. I like the rich hues in the scene, on The lavish trees and grass that encompasses Mary, Joseph, the infant Jesus and the pony remaining in the focal point of the work of art. It is natural and satisfying feeling of Italian scene painting. 3Claude Lorrain, has a spot in workmanship history as a pioneer in scene painting.He like Carracci, was broadly regarded and imitated for two centuries and regularly creates in the well known sentiment of de’ja’-vu, particularly in his most popular compositions. Lorrain’s intensity of development was constrained. He focused on a restricted scope of tones inside a limited scope of tone of hues inside a thin landscape.Lorrain didn't grow a lot further intentionally, after he had Order#11112799 Baroque Era Pg. 3 culminated his strategy, since his work was excessively energetically needed by amazing supporters. His generally unspoiled of all his scene artworks where he throws the world and its kin, however little in an idyllic light. In hisA Pastoral Landscape he work s in an air perspective to relax all feeling of pressure and protection from carry us to a universe of amicability and harmony. In A Pastoral Landscape, just as many like it speaks to the best human advancement brings to the table and has merged with the best of a decent and delicate nature.Landscape compositions played on the idea that since God made the Earth, one could detect its spirit and grandness in his work, like one who can detect feeling in a painter’s development on the canvas. The magnificence of God’s vision emblematically recommends in an all encompassing compass of the more extended view to surrender 66% of the canvasto the limitless profundity of the sky. A Pastoral Landscape like a significant number of Claude Lorrain’s incorporate huge verdant trees, a three angled lady of the hour over and enormous tree limb. The figures in the focal point of the composition likewise show up in the correct frontal area of Lorrain’s River Landscape. The wide open around Rome is the wellspring of the greater part of his inspiration.The Roman Campagna is a field frequented by the remaining parts show up in the frontal area of Lorrain’s River Landscape. The wide open around Rome is the wellspring of the majority of his motivation. The Roman Campagna is a field frequented by the remaining parts and the relationship of antiques.The key time of its improvement were specialists of numerous nationalities meeting up in Rome. They shaped and headed out to different nations. Claude Lorrain’s beautiful commitment of rendering light is persuasive, in the course of his life as well as in England from the mid-eighteenth to Order#11112799 Baroque Era Pg. 4 mid nineteenth Centuries. 4Jacob Van Ruisdael is another Landscape craftsman who is viewed as the best Dutch scene painter. It isn't resolved whether he filled in as an understudy for his dad; an edge producer and craftsman Issak de Goyer, a notable Haarlem landscapist. Jacob Van R uisdael isthe generally celebrated of the Dutch painter. He previously worked in Haarlem and moved to Amsterdam in 1656. He got a clinical degree, late throughout everyday life and rehearsed as a doctor in Amsterdam. Ruisdael’s work comprises of northern nature in a dismal mood.The numerous qualities to his artworks are cloudy skies that toss a fretful transition of light over the open country. Contorted, hitched oak and beech trees are made with genuine exactness. Ruisdael later work show incredible profundity of stroke, which perform humanity’s inconsequentiality in the midst of the wonder of nature. His later significant works of art incorporate Jewish Cemetery (Detroit, Inst.Of Art) and Wheatfield’s (Metropolitan Mus. ) He created some very Etchings Ruisdael propelled a large number of the incomparable French and English landscapists in the following two Centuries. One of the understudies he enlivened was Meindert Hobbema who was a remarkable painter in his own right. In his artistic creation View of Haarlem from the ridges at overveenc (1670) it isn't such a great amount of scene than sky and the light that originates from it, on the other hand throwing the Earth in shadow and light, information and ignorance.Rising to critically meet the light on the biggest structure in the scene, the congregation. The light emission in Caravaggio’s painting proposes aspiritual nearness of Christ becomes in scene, a light emission from the Sun/Son,† Popular among English writers of that period. The last half Order#11112799 Baroque Era Pg. 5 of the Seventeenth Century found the genuine space of the Dutch scene turned out to be romanticized to such an extent that it is practically similar to Eden.An case of scene offers watchers a significant exercise toward where workmanship took from the late seventeenth Century down to introduce day. The profound isn't discovered distinctly in the congregation. It is found in nature light in structure even as we move into the advanced future in the artist’s very self.The end of the seventeenth Century found the congregation not, at this point the significant help of workmanship as it had been for quite a long time from Spanish rulers, to well off Dutch traders, to a developing gigantic gathering of Middle-class rich with dispensable wages needing to increment and refine their preferences. The supporters of workmanship changed until the center of the twentieth Century when craftsmanship was purchased and sold in a universal â€Å"art advertise. †These splendid Baroque scenes painters were worried about naturalism and space. The Dutch all encompassing perspective, with its huge, broad span prospect offer a natural case of spatial deceptions in scene paintings.However, the coherence of room frequently proposes by different methods, for example, the suggestion introduced to watchers is just piece of an interminable bigger aggregate. Watchers ought not disregard, in this association this impact on workmanship and craftsmen to grow the universe of the seventeenth Century.The taste of the outlandish, specifically is comprehended as a mirror to geological revelations of the period of investigation, which served to wake up new premiums in far off grounds and individuals. But then, Baroque scene workmanship however point of fact open to beautiful themes from non-European sources, was set apart by scholarly profundity influenced by the soul ofexoticism. These Painters additionally may incorporate bona fide subtleties of ensembles and settings in their artworks, all with the exception of Baroque scene Order#11112799 Baroque Era Pg. 6 painters whose view was basically unaltered. The component of goodness in the Baroque designer controls space ought not permit to be not notable a progressively significant certainty, which is the primary standard of concurrence space, applies to seventeenth Century draftsman to a composition and sculpture.The head numerous l ikewise be seen in splendid structure in chapel veneers by Pietro de Cortona, Bernini and Borrommini, where the outside scenes and inside space is marked.It is this comparative controlled development of room that provides for the huge internal parts of the Baroque time frame its obvious character. Continued space is the premise to the specialty of the artistic creations structures, that hopes to gather the perspective of genuine space of the auditorium.The ramifications of development is normal for some works of painting and figure of the seventeenth Century may approach the feeling of time just as of

Free Essays on Salem Witch Trials Uncovered

A student of history's errand becomes troublesome work when a watched occurrence comes up short on the consistent circumstances and logical results that typically anticipates from history. The specialty of dismembering an occurrence, for example, this can take hundreds of years, if not more, to precisely uncover the episode utilizing numerous understandings. In Chapter 2 of James West Davidson and Mark Hamilton Lytle's After the Fact, the Salem Witch Trials are dependent upon different translations, which can both remain all alone, or be interwoven with different understandings. Davidson and Lytle allude to two of these understandings as the Visible Salem and Invisible Salem. The Visible Salem alludes to the social, monetary, strict, and topographical dynamic of the town of Salem. The Invisible Salem alludes to the craziness brought about by physical and mental appearances of the impacts of an imperceptible world of evil presences, witches, and a Satan who was out to degenerate all. Albeit every clarification can be seen as a solid understanding of the realities, it appears to be progressively intelligent that fact can be found in both the Visible and Invisible Worlds of Salem. The Invisible Salem appears to serve the contention mounting inside the social, monetary, strict, and topographical Visible Salem. At the point when Salem was settled, few houses were based on a Peninsula that extends into Massachusetts Bay. This comprised Salem Town, which turned into a focal point of business and a clamoring port town that exchanged with England. As time passed it drew an ever increasing number of pioneers, who had to settle more distant west into an agrarian town. As the town became bigger and bigger, peripheral territories started to want progression from the town. In After the Fact, this issue is essentially come down to cash: Everybody paid charges to help a pastor for the town church, to keep up the streets, and to think about poor people. On the off chance that a lump of the town split off, income would be lost (Davidson and Lytle, 38). This caused rising pressures wager... Free Essays on Salem Witch Trials Uncovered Free Essays on Salem Witch Trials Uncovered An antiquarian's assignment becomes troublesome work when a watched occurrence does not have the intelligent circumstances and logical results that ordinarily anticipates from history. The specialty of analyzing an episode, for example, this can take hundreds of years, if not more, to precisely uncover the occurrence utilizing different understandings. In Chapter 2 of James West Davidson and Mark Hamilton Lytle's After the Fact, the Salem Witch Trials are dependent upon numerous understandings, which can both remain all alone, or be interlaced with different translations. Davidson and Lytle allude to two of these translations as the Visible Salem and Invisible Salem. The Visible Salem alludes to the social, financial, strict, and land dynamic of the town of Salem. The Invisible Salem alludes to the mania brought about by physical and mental indications of the impacts of an undetectable world of evil presences, witches, and a Satan who was out to degenerate all. Albeit every clarifica tion can be seen as a solid understanding of the realities, it appears to be progressively legitimate that fact can be found in both the Visible and Invisible Worlds of Salem. The Invisible Salem appears to serve the contention mounting inside the social, monetary, strict, and topographical Visible Salem. At the point when Salem was settled, few houses were based on a Peninsula that extends into Massachusetts Bay. This comprised Salem Town, which turned into a focal point of business and a clamoring port town that exchanged with England. As time passed it drew an ever increasing number of pilgrims, who had to settle more distant west into an agrarian town. As the town became bigger and bigger, peripheral territories started to want progression from the town. In After the Fact, this issue is basically come down to cash: Everybody paid expenses to help a pastor for the town church, to keep up the streets, and to think about poor people. In the event that a piece of the town split off, income would be lost (Davidson and Lytle, 38). This caused rising pressures wager...

IT is Highest-Grossing Horror Film of All Time Critical Linking, September 25

IT is Highest-Grossing Horror Film of All Time Critical Linking, September 25 Sponsored by Wednesday Books “It,” the blockbuster adaptation of  Stephen King’s novel about a child-eating clown, has pushed past “The Exorcist” to become the highest-grossing horror film on a domestic basis. The crown comes with some caveats. “The Exorcist” is still the top-grossing horror film on an international basis, having netted $441.3 million globally to “It’s” $404.3 million. The horror classic also made its money in 1973, so this record doesn’t take inflation into account. The Stephen King machine rolls on. The former president and bestselling author James Patterson have selected Showtime to adapt their upcoming thriller,  The President Is Missing. The novel, set to be published in 2018, tells  the story of a sitting U.S. president’s mysterious disappearance with the level of detail that only someone who has held the highest office can know. And so does the Clinton machine! The Good Journal  is a quarterly literary journal showcasing the very best work by writers and illustrators of colour. It follows on from the success of the bestselling, award-winning collection of essays,  The Good Immigrant, presenting the most exciting new writers alongside more established names. The journal will launch in Spring 2018 and feature essays, short stories, poems, extracts of novels and illustrations. Rad Kickstarter for you to back. Sign up to Today In Books to receive  daily news and miscellany from the world of books. Thank you for signing up! Keep an eye on your inbox.

Juvenile Delinquent Definition Essay - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 533 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/09/20 Category Advertising Essay Type Definition Essay Did you like this example? Definiton essay: Juvenile delinquent Definition Essay: Juvenile Delinquent English Composition 1 Kelley Jones September 5th 2010 Abstract This paper is a definition essay that defines the term juvenile delinquent. Juvenile delinquent is a person under the legal age that breaks the law. This essay will give the reader in depth information about the term juvenile delinquent. Juvenile Delinquent Juvenile delinquency is a term that basically means a person under the age of legality that commits that act of breaking the law. In many courts the punishment for committing a crime whilst under the age of 18 doesn’t seem like a big deal. Juvenile delinquency doesn’t seem that bad. Back in the good old days when America was still a little baby, juveniles were treated the same as everyone else. You commit the crime, you do the time. This went on till the early 1900’s when juveniles were giving their own system. Some people in this era believed that when someone co mmitted a crime it was because of the environment or forces around them rather than their own personal choice. This means that people were not really morally responsible for crimes people committed. The system was all about reforming the juvenile rather than punishing them for the crime that he/she committed. Therefore, the wrongdoer was rehabilitated rather than being punished. The courts, when dealing with a juvenile delinquent, would ask themselves, â€Å"What is in the best interest of the child†. A juvenile needed to be adjudicated delinquent. Prosecutors would file a petition for delinquency; an official reviews it and then schedules a hearing. Being under legal age, he/she has no right to a jury trial. If the court finds that the petition is in the right manner then the court will judge the juvenile delinquent. After this was finished the juvenile would then be assessed and given their rehabilitation measures. This system was all grand until the 1970’s, wh en juveniles started gaining in numbers. They were committing crimes such as murder and other forms of serious violence. This changed the views of many people and they started to turn against the courts, saying that they were sending the wrong message their children. They were not delinquents but rather criminals. It seems reasonable. After committing crimes and being told that what you did was wrong now go back into the world and try again simply told the juveniles that nothing bad was going to come of the crimes they committed. People began saying that retribution rather than rehabilitation was the way to go. Nowadays, it seems like the rules are enforced more and the punishments are becoming more severe. They even go so far as to charge some delinquents as adults, depending on the crime they committed. Juvenile delinquency used to be a system that babied the ill mannered children of America. As time went on and the worse it got people began to get fed up. Now the rules are enforced more and punishments are becoming harsher. Thanks to the newer juvenile delinquent system children are no longer getting the wrong message about the crimes they commit. Delinquent (2002). In  World of Criminal Justice, Gale. Retrieved from https://www. credoreference. com/entry/worldcrims/delinquent Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Juvenile Delinquent Definition Essay" essay for you Create order

socialism Essay - 941 Words

Socialism is a way of controlling the economy, in which the government owns and runs all of the businesses of a society. Socialism can be broken up into two different categories: Utopian Socialism and Scientific Socialism. These two types have some similar views, but also are very different in certain ways. For example, Utopian Society is basically a peaceful way to get what you want whereas Scientific Socialism, which was what Karl Marx represented, held the belief that the only way to get what you want is through revolution. These views of socialism held the total opposite views of a man named Adam Smith, who believed in capitalism, and who wrote the book, The Wealth of Nations. There was agreement between the two different forms of†¦show more content†¦Now, it is time to take a look at the differences in the views of Utopian Socialism and Scientific Socialism. Utopian Socialism arose in the latter half of the 18th Century. These socialists viewed the distribution of wealth as unfair. They believed that the nobles and upper class mistreated the working class. They complained of low wages, bad management and basically all of the conflicts which have risen due to competition, capitalism, and a free market. Utopian Socialists were given this name because the nature of their solution was to basically create a â€Å"perfect† society. A society in which the government, nobles, and upper class would give up their titles to live in a classless society where equality was key. A French man by the name of Pierre Proudhon was in a feud with Karl Marx, and wrote a book called What Is Property?. In it he answered that property was theft, and he had called for an end to private riches. (Heilbroner 153). Utopian Socialists also believed in the â€Å"Golden Rule,† that is, do unto others what you would like done to you. There was no room for bitterness towards other people. They were also very patient in the area of getting what they want. They thought that nothing in life happens quickly and easily. It can be said that they believed in Darwin’s â€Å"Theory of Evolution,† so to speak. They knew that what they wanted to achieve would come slowly, but surely. They would also never resort toShow MoreRelatedSocialism1284 Words   |  6 PagesSocialism High Point University ECO 207 Tony Benjamin Socialism Socialist government is not state government. It would not rule over people and places, but would empower the people to rule over things. Socialism means a government in which the people collectively own and democratically operate the industries and social services through an economic democracy (SLP 2006). Under socialism, it is his/her fellow citizens and co-workers who create the policies and conditions for its communityRead MoreCapitalism Vs. 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The Arab Spring Implications for US Policy and Interests Free Essays

string(85) " the Global Financial Crisis, the Arab Spring uprisings, and the rise of hacktivism\." Introduction The political uprisings in the Arab world during 2011 undeniably transformed the Middle East and the North of Africa (MENA) (Dalacoura, 2012: 63). An explosive mix of deepening political grievances and a series of socio-economic problems, such as: high unemployment, especially among youth, corruption, internal regional and social inequalities, and the deterioration of economic conditions were the common causal factor behind all the uprisings (ibid: 66-67). Internationally, these uprisings have had profound consequences for the pursuit of long-standing United States (U. We will write a custom essay sample on The Arab Spring: Implications for US Policy and Interests or any similar topic only for you Order Now S.) policy goals and interests in the region, with regard to: regional security, energy supplies, military access, bilateral trade and investment, counter-proliferation, counterterrorism, and the promotion of human rights (Arieff et al. 2012). The profound changes in the region may alter the framework in which these goals are pursued and challenge the basic assumptions that have long guided U.S. policies in the international system (Keiswetter, 2012: 1). Regionally, the contagious nature of the uprisings, which started in Tunisia in December 2010 and later on spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain or Syria (Dalacoura, 2012: 63), led either to the overthrow of dictators or to internal fracturing (ibid: 66). While Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Tunisia underwent troubled transitions away from authoritarian regimes, in Jordan, Morocco, and Oman, modest protests produced tentative steps toward reform (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 41). In view of such differences, policy makers in the U.S. have adopted case-by-case (and highly unequal) approaches, which range from tacit support to outright military intervention (Shore, 2012). For instance, in countries such as Yemen or Saudi Arabia, the U.S. has turned a blind eye to governmental corruption and human rights violations. In non-allied countries, however, like Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran, the U.S. has condemned dictatorial practices, issued sanctions and even wars in the name of democracy (Shore, 2012). It could be argued, thus, that the U.S.’ response to the events of the Arab Spring has been cautious and contradictory at the same time. On the one hand, Obama’s Administration has been criticized for its apparent lack of a coherent approach, and its willingness to talk of democratic ideals while protecting national interests. On the other hand, supporters have praised both the pragmatism and principle as a smart approach to international affairs (Kitchen, 2012: 53). Within this framework, this paper will assess the impact of the so-called Arab Spring on the US objectives regarding political and economic reform prospects for the Middle East peace negotiations, energy issues, and security concerns. The main hypothesis of this paper is, thus, that as part of the current international system, where the concept of security acquires multiple and more complex dimensions that go beyond military terms, the U.S.’ policies in the Middle East are extremely â€Å"shy† and cautious. This paper argues that this obvious â€Å"cautiousness† and what many call a contradictory foreign policy of the U.S. is the result of a series of economic interests to maintain oil-flows and global security concerns that cannot be forgotten in the political international arena. The U.S., thus, faces the difficult position of supporting its ideal of democracy and values on the one hand, and its long-term interests and security concerns on the other. This essay, thus, is divided in two main sections. On the one hand, a brief theoretical background on International Relations (IR) theories will serve as a basis to understand the motivations and approaches of the U.S. foreign policy in the region. On the other hand, an analysis of the old and current U.S.’ interests and policies in the Middle East will reveal the contradictions and concerns of the current U.S. Administration and the possible outcomes. Foreign Policy through the Lenses of International Relations In order to understand the U.S. foreign policy in the international system and more specifically in the Middle East, with its wide encompassing spectrum of foreign policy decisions, this paper shall approach the issue from the theoretical framework of International Relations (IR) (Vale, 2012: 6). The International System The international system, driven mainly by states, power, and anarchy, has had a profound effect on the United States since its inception (Vale, 2012: 8). It could be said that there are three main different forms of the international system: the multipolar, the bipolar and the unipolar system. Tin the multipolar system, there are several great powers influencing international politics and competing for dominance (Vale, 2012: 10). Bipolar systems, could be described as a battle of titans of sorts –as it happened between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War-, namely, where two major powers oppose one another for dominance in the system. Finally, the unipolar system, is when there is one superpower and no other major powers in the international system –such as the Roman Empire or the United States after the fall of the Soviet Union until arguably the beginning of the 2003 War in Iraq (ibid: 10). It can be said that contemporary international politics does not fit any of these models. Nevertheless, during the last decade a new structure seems to have appeared: the uni-multipolar system. This system has a single world superpower but with several major powers around it in the system which constrains the superpower so that it cannot act as if it were within a unipolar international system (Vale, 2012: 10). Some authors, like Huntington, argue that this scenario is closest one to the current international system; where the settlement of international issues requires action by the single superpower, the United States, but always with some combination of other major states (1999). Indeed, 21st century scholarship within IR moves away from the primacy of the state and second order analyses towards the relationship that individuals have within the international system. This intellectual movement reflects experiences in international history that diminish the role of the state and reinforce the humans and humanity into the heart of a discipline whose origins lie in the motivation for action. This change is a 21st century phenomenon with experiential roots in the terror attacks of 9/11, the Global Financial Crisis, the Arab Spring uprisings, and the rise of hacktivism. You read "The Arab Spring: Implications for US Policy and Interests" in category "Essay examples" These global, historical experiences are fostering the rise of cutting-edge and revolutionary IR theory that embraces complexity and multidisciplinarity (Oprisko, 2013). In other words, â€Å"the trend within IR theory is mirroring the shared experiences of the 21st century: renewed emphasis on terror, revolutions against inequality and social-immobility, and the success of hacktivism† (ibid.). According to the Neoclassical Realism theory of IR, the international system determines how states act and behave towards each other because the international system is anarchic and states compete for status quo power (Rose, 1998:146). In other words, â€Å"the scope and ambition of a country’s foreign policy is driven first and fore most by its place in the international system and specifically by its relative material power capabilities† (ibid.). The 21st Century, however, is marked not with the political maneuvering of great states with competing visions, but with the elite few accumulating power, on the one hand, and the general public, rejecting such elitism, on the other. The first movement toward a revision of the status quo interpretation of the international system was the 9-11 terrorist attacks. The reaction against this â€Å"new kind of enemy† and the â€Å"war on terrorism† exemplified â€Å"an important reengagement with the social contract ; the state, the sovereign authority of the people, was no longer the only independent actor in the international political arena† (Oprisko, 2013). Closely related to the emergence of the above-mentioned â€Å"new enemies† there is the change of the security concept during the last decades. Authors such as Ole Waever or Barry Buzan were some of the most predominant constructivists who define security after the Cold War, which included non-traditional elements such as human rights (Layman, 2012: 4). The place of human rights in security is widely debated. Although before the Cold War security was traditionally defined in military terms, since Realism was the main school of thought, Constructivism argued for different perspectives, permitting the most thorough definition for security and national interests due to its ability to allow for change in the perception of what defines threats (Layman, 2012: 6). Indeed, as Barry Buzan argues, social norms and cultural phenomena dictate what is a security threat (Layman, 2012: 6). Waever and Buzan define security â€Å"as perceived threats to anything such as the traditional view of a state to non-traditional views of threats† (Buzan et al. 1998: 7) which include society, the environment, and economic laws. Threats are, thus, divided into different sectors: the military sector, concerned with the armed capabilities of a state; the political sector, concerned with the stability of a state; the economic sector, concerned with the accessibility to resources and the market; the societal sector, concerned with the security and sustainability of culture; and the environmental sector, concerned with the security of resources (Layman, 2012: 8). Thus, the Financial Crisis in 2008 and the subsequent austerity endured by common citizens hit a breaking-point with the suicide of Tarek al-Tayeb Mohammed Bouazizi in Tunisia in 2010. â€Å"Dignity-filled rage erupted across four continents as the Arab Spring spread across the Middle East and North Africa and Occupy protests engulfed Europe and North America† (Oprisko, 2013). As we progress from the competing idealist traditions of the 20th Century, the emphasis from structural impositions are waning (ibid.). â€Å"Human social agents and social structures are mutually constitutive, and social change can proceed causally in both directions [simultaneously] from agents to structures and from structures to agents† (Bennett, 2003: 489) U.S. Contradictory Approach to the Middle East Bearing in mind the previously described theoretical framework, the core American national interests at stake in the Middle East over decades should not come as a surprise; namely: protecting the U.S. homeland from the threats international terrorism and weapons of mass destruction; ensuring the free flow of oil, vital to the U.S., regional, and global economies; ensuring the security of Israel (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 48); discouraging interstate conflict that can threaten allies and other interests; ensuring transit and access to facilities to support U.S. military operations; countering terrorism; and stemming the proliferation of weapons (Arieff et al., 2012: 1). Over the years, these interests have resulted a series of U.S. policy objectives – advancing Arab—Israeli peace, protecting key oil-producing states, limiting the spread of regional conflicts, or ensuring U.S. military access and freedom of action within the region. Consequently, to ensure these objectives, the US has usually behaved as a status quo power in the Middle East, prioritizing the regional balance of power and a certain order over backing political change (ibid). During the past 50 years, â€Å"the U.S. has played two dueling roles in the Middle East, that of a promoter of liberal ideals, willing to wage war to build democracy, and that of a supporter of dictators who adhere to American interests and ensure stability† (Shore, 2012). It can be said, thus, that the U.S. reaction to the Arab Spring uprisings has exemplified these two opposing policies. While the US was quick to defend the peaceful protesters in Egypt and oppressed citizens of Libya, taking any necessary measures to prevent gross humanitarian crimes, the U.S. has issued little more than formal warnings to the fact that Syrians are being killed under Assad’s rule, Bahrain is cracking down on protestors, and Yemen is moving towards disaster (ibid.). However, the U.S.’ commitment to stability and the status quo partly sustained the regional stagnant economic, political and social systems, leading to the rise of Islamism and Salafism. After failing to overthrow the authoritarian regimes of the region, from the 1990s, terrorism came to focus. Thus, and particularly after the attacks of September 11, 2001, the hegemonic interest in the Saudi monarchy -as the largest oil producer- came into conflict with American national security priorities (Kitchen, 2012: 54). However, after 9-11 the U.S.’ determined that the region’s authoritarian regimes were actually the root of the terrorist problem, prescribing, thus, democracy as the solution to the Middle East’s socio-economic issues (Kitchen, 2012: 54). Thus, in 2003, the Bush Administration launched the ‘Freedom Agenda’, asserting that stability could not be purchased at the expense of liberty, emphasizing that promoting democracy was not just about promoting American values, but was in the American national interest, since oppressive regimes created the conditions for radicalization and terrorism (ibid). However, the â€Å"Freedom Agenda† as part of the wider â€Å"war on terror† had obvious contradictions. While on the one hand the US was seeking short-term counter-terrorism measures through the security apparatus of allied authoritarian regimes, on the other hand, it was prioritizing the long-term emancipation of Middle Eastern societies to address the deeper roots of marginalization and underdevelopment (Kitchen, 2012: 54). It could be argued that these contradictions were the background to the US’ response to the events of the Arab Spring (Kitchen, 2012: 55). The Obama Administration and the U.S. Strategy In The Middle East Even though the uprisings and political change in the Arab world have challenged many of the assumptions that have long informed U.S. policy makers, it can be said that many long-standing U.S. goals in the region endure (Arieff et al. 2012: 1). The Bush administration’s response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, overturned this preference for the status quo. The invasion of Iraq created a power vacuum in the Gulf that Iran tried to fill. The war exhausted the U.S. military, spread sectarianism and refugees throughout the region, and unleashed a civil war. The ‘‘Global War on Terror’’ also brought the US into far more collaboration with Arab security services (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 48). The Bush administration failed to match its rhetoric on democracy with meaningful support for democratic change (ibid). The legacies of Obama’s predecessor’s war on terror had to be addressed, in order improve the US’ credibility and standing in the MENA region (Kitchen, 2012: 55). Thus, during President Obama’s first term, the U.S. announced its desire for a fresh start with the Muslim world, which started by withdrawing the U.S. military presence from Iraq and scaling down the worst excesses of the War on Terror, while maintaining a lower-key counter-terrorism campaign. While the administration has not managed to resolve the Iranian nuclear challenge, it has assembled an international consensus and rigorous sanctions to pressure Tehran. Obama also made the peace process a top priority, although his efforts proved no more successful than his predecessor’s. Then the Arab Spring erupted, reshaping the regional agenda (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 49). It has been said that the events of the Arab Spring took Obama’s Administration by surprise and underprepared (Kitchen, 2012: 55). While the political reform was in the overarching interests of the US, and was both sustainable in the region and compatible with America’s other priorities (ibid: 56), the White House, however, was worried that over-enthusiastic American support could undermine the revolutions’ authenticity. Thus, Obama’s rhetoric in public was cautious, as he sought to balance competing interests in the context of uncertain events, while at the same time the administration used its long-developed relationships in the region to try to shape developments (ibid.). Egypt constitutes a clear example of this delicate situation. While the clear win for the Muslim Brotherhood did not fall within the U.S. ‘s â€Å"expectations† and interests in that country in particular, the following military coup, although morally questionable (at least in the 21st Century), has hardly been challenged. Indeed, having a military regime that wants to maintain the peace with Israel, is probably the most comfortable option for the U.S. in a region where nothing is settled so far. Despite the massive changes across the Middle East ever since 2011, there are still several rapidly evolving dynamics that any viable U.S. strategy must account for. First, the so-called Arab Spring has altered key regional dynamics, regime perceptions of internal and external threats, and the role of different political actors, whereby a mobilized public opinion has an unprecedented role in regional politics. Second, Iranian nuclear and hegemonic ambitions continue to worry its neighbors, Israel, and the West. Third, while al-Qaeda has suffered organizational and political setbacks, its affiliates have adapted in disconcerting ways. Fourth, the Israeli—Palestinian issue continues to be a core element of regional instability and a source of potential violence (Khal and Lynch, 2013: 41). The Arab Spring and the US Interests; Challenges and Opportunites In response to the Arab uprisings, the Obama Administration has taken a reactive approach, trying to adjust U.S. regional policies while coping with multiple ongoing crises (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 49). In 2011, when addressing the impact of the Arab Spring on U.S. interests, Obama admitted the unsustainability of the status quo and advocated relations based not only on mutual interests and mutual respect but also on a set of principles, including: opposition to the use of violence and repression; support for â€Å"a set of universal rights; and support for political and economic reform in the MENA region that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region (Keiswetter, 2012: 4). However, contradictions were again inevitable. Although the administration recognized the importance of seeking to change in Egypt and across the region, it was quickly pulled up at the prospect of confrontation with Saudi Arabia over a possible political transformation in Bahrain (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 49). Similarly, while the administration recognized the need for democratic change in the region, allowing, thus, the democratic process to develop even when elections produced Islamist victors (as it happened in Tunisia and Egypt), it always resisted calls for a more costly and risky intervention in Syria (ibid.). Despite the Administration embracing democratic reform and public engagement, a workable strategy to implement these principles has yet to be put in place (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 49). Indeed, even when sensible policies were pursued, they have frequently not been communicated strategically, which transmits uncertainty about American priorities in the region. Given the current environment in the Middle East, any attempt to draw a more coherent approach must consider five strategic dilemmas: First, maintaining the free flow of oil may require robust security ties with Gulf regimes, which would increase the U.S. dependence on the least democratic and iron-fist ruling governments in the region. This dependence would undermine the U.S. soft power with the Arab public and may contribute to the emerging Sunni—Shiite Cold War in the region (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 51). The Saudis, among others, have been able to compensate for the disruptions caused by the Libyan events. Thus, a strong US commitment to the security of the Gulf will be vital to oil market stability in the future (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). It could be said, thus, that the main challenge for the U.S. here will be being able to maintain traditional allies while supporting the democratic values it has been forever defending. Second, while a U.S. presence throughout the region and close cooperation with partner governments’ security services may be necessary for combating terrorism, this American military presence in the Arab world will continue to provide extremists with propaganda and recruitment opportunities (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 51). The Arab Spring uprisings, based on universal values and rooted in the demand for jobs, justice and dignity, highlight the bankruptcy of Islamic extremism sanctioning violence as the only way to obtain societal changes (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). While none of the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East was led by Islamist movements or had an Islamist agenda (Dalacoura, 2012: 74), Islamist movements have proved to benefit from them politically (ibid: 75). Indeed, the upheavals provide opportunities, as it happened in Yemen, for Islamic extremists to gain ground (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). As exemplified before with the case of Egypt, the U.S. faces the challenge of having Islami st regimes freely elected in stagnant countries, whereby radical movements are like to mushroom, or take an active role in the future political direction of the region, which will probably lead to international criticism. Third, tilting toward Israel in the Palestinian conflict may be essential to reassure Washington’s commitment to Israel’s security (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 50). However, Israeli leaders argue that the wave of unrest in the Arab world is endangering Israel’s security by potentially replacing relatively friendly neighboring governments with Islamist and potentially hostile governments (Arieff et al., 2012: 3). Fourth, a forceful military U.S. intervention in Syria could hasten the demise of Assad’s regime, reduce humanitarian suffering, demonstrate leadership, and weaken Iran. However, such intervention would also require a major investment of military resources, returning the US to the protracted commitment that it just escaped in Iraq, and consuming resources necessary to deal with Iran and other global contingencies (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 50). Fifth, the unclear prospects for democratic change. The consensus in Washington from the 1990s has been that democratization will lead to the emergence in the Middle East of regimes which are supportive of the U.S. (Dalacoura, 2012: 78). However, the Middle East has been described as immune to the waves of democratization which have transformed other regions. Moreover, focusing attention on democracy in the Middle East has been criticized for reflecting the priorities of western and in particular American political science (ibid: 71). On political and economic reform, the nature of the democratic political systems in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya remains to be seen (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). Indeed, one of the U.S.’ greatest fears is credibility in what â€Å"new† Middle East will emerge from the current turmoil (Shore, 2012). Sixth, it can be said that Iran’s nuclear and regional hegemonic aspirations are one of the major ‘‘pre-Arab Spring’’ concerns for the US. It is feared that â€Å"a nuclear-armed Tehran would increase its support for militancy, terrorism, and subversion in the Levant, Iraq, and the Gulf, which would further destabilize the region† (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 43). Thus, Iran’s nuclear program could have a decisive impact on regional politics (ibid.). Seventh, the Arab Spring has shown the limits of American power in the Middle East. Both the U.S. and Europe are missing the necessary financial resources to shape prospects in the Arab Spring countries. Thus, investment will also have to come from countries, such as the Gulf states or China, who do not share to the same extent the Western interest in reinforcement of democratic values (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). In any case, the ultimate strategic effects of these changes are not clear. â€Å"Many fear the emerging power of Islamist movements, elected or violent† (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 43). The anti-American protests in September 2012 in response to a YouTube video, and the uneven governmental responses to the crisis were a clear sign of the underlying turbulence which might complicate future U.S. policy in the region. In other words, the emerging regional order combines a complex array of contradictory new trends (ibid.). In light of the Arab uprisings, it is highly important to prioritize political and economic reform. However, pushing reform complicates ties with key autocratic partners, may cause a nationalist backlash in some democratizing states, and may also risk empowering Islamist groups less inclined to cooperate with the US (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 51). Conclusion A major question that remains to be answered is whether the uprisings will eventually lead to the democratization of the Middle East and the end of the authoritarianism that has undermined its political life (Dalacoura, 2012: 79). On the one hand, the most immediate prospects for the Arab Spring are: continuing instabilities as states try to solve their political and economic situations, as well as their relations with other countries; rising influence for those countries with the necessary resources to back up their policies; and the continuation of a visible but attenuated role for the U.S. (Keiswetter, 2012: 2). The long-term prospect, on the other hand, includes also the possibility Middle East with a much higher degree of freedom, more democratic, prosperous and accountable, less abusive of human rights, and thus a net positive outcome for U.S. interests (ibid.). With the dramatic rise in popular activism empowered by the new technologies, it is clear that long-term stability in the region will require meaningful steps by all governments towards a genuine political and economic reform (Kahl and Lynch, 2013: 42). The U.S. has had to tread a fine line between support for its values and long-term interests à ¢â‚¬â€œ represented by political reform in the region-, and the protection of its core regional interests (Kitchen, 2012: 57). If the U.S. is serious about turning off its Middle detour, then in the Middle East and North Africa the US needs to prioritize long-term trends over short-term concerns, which may not always mean pushing for revolutionary change in support of democratic values in the region (Kitchen, 2012: 58). The recent revolutions pose an opportunity to establish a new status quo in the Middle East, free an oppressed and jobless youth, increase economic standing and trade, and give democracy a chance to flourish. While the U.S. remains limited in the impact it can have in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, it has an opportunity to change its negative standing in the Middle East; an opportunity to change a stoic, ineffective foreign policy (Shore, 2012). References Andrew Bennett, (2003) â€Å"A Lakatosian Reading of Lakatos: What Can We Salvage from the Hard Core?,† inProgress in International Relations Theory: Appraising the Field, ed. Colin Elman and Miriam Fendius Elman. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Arieff, A., Danon, Z., Katzman, K., Sharp, J. M., Zanotti, J. (2012) â€Å"Change in the Middle East: Implications for US Policy†.Congressional Research Service. [On-line], Available: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/R42393.pdf [21 April 2014] Buzan B, Waever O, de Wilde J. (1998) â€Å"Introduction, security analysis: Conceptual apparatus, the military sector, the political sector†. In: Security: A new framework for analysis. Colorado: Lynne Reinner Publishers; 1998. ISBN 1-55587-603-X Dalacoura, K. (2012) â€Å"The 2011 uprisings in the Arab Middle East: political change and geopolitical implications†.International Affairs, 88(1), 63-79. [On-line], Available: http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/International%20Affairs/2012/88_1/88_1dalacoura.pdf [21 April 2014] Huntington, S. P. (1999). The Lonely Superpower. Foreign Affairs, 35-49. Kahl, C. H., Lynch, M. (2013). US Strategy after the Arab Uprisings: Toward Progressive Engagement.The Washington Quarterly, 36(2), 39-60. [On-line], Available: http://67.159.45.21/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/TWQ_13Spring_Kahl-Lynch.pdf [21 April 2014] Keiswetter, A. L. (2012) â€Å"The Arab spring: Implications for US policy and interests†.Middle East Institute. [On-line]. Available: http://www.mei.edu/content/arab-spring-implications-us-policy-and-interests [21 April 2014] Kitchen, N. (2012) â€Å"After the Arab Spring: power shift in the Middle East?: the contradictions of hegemony: the US and the Arab Spring†, [On-line], Available: http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/reports/pdf/SR011/FINAL_LSE_IDEAS__UnitedStatesAndTheArabSpring_Kitchen.pdf [21 April 2014]. Layman, C. K. (2012). Conflictual Foreign Policy of the United States: Between Security and Human Rights. [On-line], Available: http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1497context=cmc_thesessei-redir=1referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.es%2Fscholar%3Fq%3D%2522theory%2Bof%2Binternational%2Brelations%2522%2B%2522the%2BArab%2BSpring%2522%2B%2522US%2Binterests%2522%26btnG%3D%26hl%3Des%26as_sdt%3D0%252C5%26as_ylo%3D2010#search=%22theory%20international%20relations%20Arab%20Spring%20US%20interests%22 [23 April 2014] Oprisko, R. L. (2013). â€Å"IR Theory’s 21st Century Experiential Evolution†.E-International Relations (2013).[On-line], Available: http://www.e-ir.info/2013/05/25/the-fall-of-the-state-and-the-rise-of-the-individuals-ir-theorys-21st-century-experiential-evolution/ [23 April 2014] Rose, G. (1998). Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy.World politics, 51, 144-172. Shore, S. M. (2012) Great Decisions 2012 Preview: After The Arab Spring, [On-line], Available: http://www.fpa.org/features/index.cfm?act=featureannouncement_id=88 [21 April 2014] Vale, K. R. (2012).US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era (Doctoral dissertation, Office of Graduate Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston). [On-line], Available: http://crhsgg-studentresources.wikispaces.umb.edu/file/view/KVale_US_Foreign_Policy_PColdWar_2012.pdf [23 April 2014] How to cite The Arab Spring: Implications for US Policy and Interests, Essay examples

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Religion Matters Patrick Fagan, in his article, Why Religion Matters: The Impact of Religious Practice on Social Stability, enumerated several positive effects of religion such as good health, personal happiness, stable family relationships and deterrence of juvenile delinquency. As I read through the article it became evident to me that the positive effects are due to the fact that religion makes better people. Better people make right choices that result to personal happiness, good health and stable family relationships. From the individual and family, the positive effect then translates into the general society. Need essay sample on "Religion Matters" topic? We will write a custom essay sample specifically for you Proceed Among the many positive effects of religion that Fagan enumerated, what I find most significant is religions effect on health. I am in awe of the fact that many people gets sick mainly because they had no religious commitment and not because they ate the wrong kind of food or did not exercise enough. Psychologists, therapists and doctors had claimed over and over gain that most people are sick because of depression, stress or anxiety. Depression, stress or anxiety is a result of mans daily coping with the struggles and uncertainties of life. People without religion are more anxious, stressed and depressed because they do not have the comfort, guidance and hope of religion from which to rely upon. They only draw strength from within themselves without even realizing or ignoring the fact that human strength alone cannot stand against lifes adversities. As I ponder on this truth, I began to wonder how many unreligious sick people in America today were confined in the hospitals for the p rime reason that they did not practice religion. I reckon that there must be many of them for from what I know, fast-paced America is full of stressed people. At this point, I am reminded of a man I met in my friends house. He was my friends grandfather who came for a visit. He was an old strong man. One day I found him alone in the garden and when he saw me, he called me over to him. I was always curious about his age and now that I have the opportunity to ask I was surprised that he was turning 90. He was old, for sure, but I never expected that he was that old. I always picture people that age lying sick in bed. Since I have always admired people who reached old age with grace, I ask him what his secret for long life was. I was prepared to hear a litany of eating the right kind of food, avoiding smoking and drinking, etc. But instead he pointed to a book beside him, it was a Bible. Moreover, I never forgot what he said, that book keeps me healthy. He informed me that I do not have to search the world to find wisdom for right living, if I were diligent enough to read the Bible and practice what it says, there is a big possibility that I will live as long as he did. That was an amazing revelation for me. And now I am convinced that he was right. Well, perhaps not about me living that long, but the positive effect religion had on health. Religious practice had its own share of critics. Many would say that religious people are hypocrites, outwardly good but inwardly bad. This criticism may be best understood if one understands what Fagan describes as the two types of religious behavior: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic practice can be described as the genuine practice of religion while extrinsic practice can be described as the false practice of religion. The main focus of intrinsic religious people is God while extrinsic peoples focus is not God but themselves for they are more concerned on the positive benefit religion will have on their reputation. These two types can be distinguished in the behavior they display. Intrinsics are more responsible, have self-control, more sensitive to others, more disciplined, more consistent and more concerned with moral standards. For example, in work they can be trustworthy enough not to cheat their boss concerning working hours. They come to work on time, work diligently for the next eight hours and go home on time. In addition, they are humble people who consider the effects of their words and actions to others. The extrinsics, on the other hand, are self-indulgent, critical, loves to justify themselves, indolent and are less dependable. In the workplace, they may not work diligently for the next 8 hours and they may justify why it was so. They are mostly authoritative; they are unconcerned about the effects of their words or actions on others. Fagan further revealed that while it is beneficial to practice intrinsic religion, extrinsic practice may be more harmful than no religion at all. This is because compared to the Intrinsics who are less anxious and to the unreligious that do not care much about what will happen to them, the Extrinsics are more prone to anxiety because in truth they are not prepared for the difficulties of life. Because of the trying times that America is facing, many felt that the practice of religion should be promoted the way the Founding Fathers did. The Founding Fathers had clearly emphasized the importance of religion in American society. In fact The First Amendment stated that the Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. I agree with what Fagan said that this means that the intent of the Founding Fathers was not to make any religion an official religion of America but that they allowed the people to practice whatever their chosen religion is. Thomas Jefferson, the coiner of the phrase `separation of church and state, interpreted the first Amendment to mean that all men are allowed to practice their chosen religion and that no man should suffer because of it and furthermore, their religion should not be a cause of hindrance in exercising their civil liberties. To freely exercise civil liberties suggests that religion should not be barred from the operations of the state. Similarly, to prove his point in the importance of religion in the American political society, Fagan pointed out George Washingtons belief in the necessity of religion in the exercise of free democracy. Washington considered religion to be the foundation of morality and consequently the foundation of political prosperity. I agree with Washington simply because religion provided man the standard by which to measure the rightness or wrongness of his decisions or acts. Although democracy promotes freedom, it is not absolute for it recognizes limitations or boundaries. Without it, man would do anything he wants and justify any actions he does and the democratic America would be nothing but a State of perpetual chaos. Upon the exercise of freedom, man must be careful not to go beyond this limitations or boundaries because if he does it will lead to potential negative consequences. Religion tells man what this boundaries and limitations are. Religion provided man moral absolutes that if ca refully heeded would lead to the sustenance of a society. I find the negative view of the social scientists and practitioners on religion to be without basis and biased. I just could not accept their argument that people who exercised religion are people who have low self-esteem or had no sense of personal well-being. In fact for me the opposite is true. People who practiced religion are strong because they have the strength to resist doing the things which are not only harmful to themselves but also to others. Without the restraints of religious people are prone to gratify the desires of the flesh that in close inspection are not beneficial to them or to the society as a whole. Religion gave them wisdom to distinguish what is right and wrong. For me people who do not want to practice religion are those who do not want others to tell them what to do, or they do not want to stop from doing sinful and shameful things. This reminds me of a friend of mine who professed as an atheist. For him practicing religion is a sign of weakness, having to rely to an unseen God on what one should do. As a man with intellect, he argued, a man ought to know what he should be doing. He should know that abusing drugs is wrong for him, for now he is in the drug rehabilitation center. Sometimes when I think of him I cannot help but conclude, Here is a man who is trying to be wise in his own eyes. I, too, do not agree on many professionals who considered religion to be an exercise of mysticism and sometimes fatalism (like having to rely on faith). There is nothing mystical in believing in Someone higher than I am (because surely I am limited) and having to entrust to that Someone the things that are beyond my control. I think the reason why people who have no faith in God are stressed because they are constantly trying to find various ways and means to solve their problems; they are always trying to figure things out. They cannot seem to relax; they are always affected by the external happenings of their lives. They are also worried about not getting what they want or desire so they are always obsessed with success and self-fulfillment. I think people without religion are more prone to delusion and mental illness than the religious ones. People with religion entrust many happenings in their lives to God so they tend to be more relax. They are comforted with the fact that there is Someone unseen out there who cares for them and will help them get through their problems. Their desires and goals are more realistic and achievable. They do not feel compelled to be successful for they do not find it necessary to prove themselves to the fallen human beings like them. Fortunately, Fagan revealed that in spite of the negative views some social professionals have on religion, many Americans still see religion as important and necessary for a happy , stable society. This is indeed a very encouraging report for this means that the large part of the American people still considers the pursuit of right morality (instituted by God) as a desirable act in life ( Fagan). Reference: Fagan, Patrick. Why Religion Matters: The Impact of Religious Practice on Social Stability.